[1. Accusations brought by Thomas Usk against John Northampton]

On 7 ... 1384, I, Thomas Usk, in the presence of John [Charneye coroner] of London wrote this statement with my own hand and vouched for its accuracy. To ... [give coun]sel during the term of John Norhampton mayor there should [come] ... to ... that is, in John Willyngham's tavern in the Bow ... of twenty of the crafts that support him, one or two men who are chosen to be common councillors for this year, and ... John More mercer, Richard Norbury mercer, and William Essex draper, together with myself, Thomas Usk, to write down their petitions ... so that those who were present might, at [the next session of] the common council be unanimous in their position on these matters, and vote in accord on the day of that common council ... and be ... to accomplish what John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury and William Essex purposed at, whether honest or dishonest, and did ... because Sir William Walworth and other persons of status, as aldermen and common councillors, were opposed to the or[dinances of John] Norhampton, it was decided by John More, Richard Norbury and William Essex that the mayor should take as his councillors whomever he wished during his term of office, and have nothing to do with those who opposed him. And that those crafts antagonistic towards him should be represented only by the number [traditional] chosen by each craft, and no more; whereas those crafts that sided with him should be represented by as many as they wished. Thus he planned to have so many supporters that the opposing side would be powerless. Of this I accuse John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex.

It was the full intention of John Norhampton and his advisors – that is, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex – and of all the crafts that sided with him that, with whatever support from men of power that they might obtain, four points of law be established and enforced. That is, that the aldermen should be replaced from year to year; that the common council should be selected by the crafts; that no victualler should hold judicial office; and that all non-Londoner victuallers should be free to bring their victuals to the city to sell, by retail as much as by any other method, without having to pay for the franchise. His intent was indeed that all the ordinances that were made during his term of office, no matter how bad, should be maintained forever after, through the power of the people, against any mayor that would overturn them. To this end, once the most respectable and wisest townsmen had dissociated themselves with such worthless councils, the mayor John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex drew to their cause the common people, to give life-or-death support to this programme. At every council meeting was John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex, and at some Adam Bame. But otherwise the mayor made his own decisions; one Willyngham, a scrivener, and one ... Marchaund clerk made a record of many matters in my absence, and on occasion were more privy [to information] than I. Certainly the overall purpose of those named above was to have the town in their control, and have it governed by their decisions, and to suppress or banish from the town all those powerful enough to resist them; and for the rest who lacked power, to have those under their thumbs forever. Of this I accuse John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex.

Because all the long-established officers in the town were no friends to the mayor or his ideas, all those officers were to be removed over time, and replaced by others who agreed with and supported his viewpoint; for they said that such persons as had intentions contrary to his were enemies to good intent. This was increasingly used to stir up the poor people and make them more fervent in their rebelliousness towards the great men of the town and towards its officers. The people were told that the great men wished to keep the people oppressed in their lowly status forever; this notion, continually put forward, caused dissension to arise between the respectable persons and the lesser people of the town. Of this I accuse John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex.

In preparation for the day when John Norhampton was elected for a second mayoral term, because Sir John Philpot had opposed the bad things done, as indicated above, John More took the lead in arranging for a petition to be drawn up in the name of the common council, demanding Sir John repay the money he had borrowed during his mayoralty. The plan was for him thereby to be condemned as unsuitable to hold any office in the town in future. Of this I accuse John More.

In preparation for that second election, great arrangements were put in hand by John More, Richard Norbury, Adam Bame, William Essex, and many others, including myself Thomas Usk, to ensure that on that day the commons would choose as mayor John Norhampton, and no-one else. With the intent of obtaining [during that term of office] confirmation by royal statute of all his reforms, so that they would endure perpetually. Thus the reforms would both be fixed by statute and maintained through the power of the people, as mentioned above. Of this I accuse John More, Richard Norbury, Adam Bame, and William Essex.

In preparation for the next parliament following this, mayor John Norhampton made me, Thomas Usk, go to the commons to inform them of the ordinance against the fishmongers, and to gain their support for, among other things, choosing Richard Norbury and William Essex to represent them in the parliament. He in turn was to arrange for the aldermen to choose John More and Thomas Carleton [as their representatives] for the same. And so it was done, and they pursued matters contrary to the perpetual franchises of London. Of this I accuse John Norhampton.

At that parliament effort was made to obtain an authorization directed to the mayor to punish usurers, whether initiated by a private complaint or by indictment; which letters patent allowed sentence to be passed on any man who had been proven to commit such an act, or had been party thereto. In this regard, many of the most respectable townsmen have, through false schemes and plots planned in advance, been charged with the same and such sentences have been passed on them that they would fall from their position in the town. I now realize that, through those means, it was intended to bring about an evil end: to bring down the respectable citizens who had opposed him; and this writ was purchased not for any well-intended purpose, but only out of malice, to be able to get rid of all the most respectable men. By such false scheming and plotting of their downfall would the respectable people of the town have been banished from the town. In relation to which, it had already been decided who would fill the offices of the mayoralty, aldermanries, shrievalties, and others of similar importance, in the following year; so that John Norhampton's adversaries would not hold any offices thereafter. As a result of which we might well see the destruction of the town within a short time, because of having so many capable men gone from the town. Of this I accuse John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex.

At the contrivance of John More were indicted Walter Sybile, John Horn, and Adam Carlell. Although many inquisitions were held, [only] those that best served the king were returned. Indeed, Robert Franceys and others, whose names I no longer recall, wanted to indict Sir Nicholas Brembre of supporting Thomas Farndon; John More at first agreed to this, but afterwards prevented it, so that nothing was done. Of this I accuse John More.

Often, just before the election of Sir Nicholas Brembre as mayor, mayor John Norhampton, John More, and Richard Norbury sent William Essex and me, Thomas Usk, to Goldsmiths' Hall to speak with members of the common council in regard to electing a mayor, and for the same purpose I, Thomas Usk, was to speak to those that I knew of the common councillors about choosing John Norhampton. There at Goldsmiths' Hall it was agreed among those who assembled that certain persons from various crafts other than those who were nominees for the common council should be [summoned] on election day to join the common council, to help [ensure] the election of John Norhampton. The lesser people were to be drawn into this arrangement, so that they should feel committed to John Norhampton; so that if, in the future, someone else chosen as mayor tried to take action against him, they might be ready to support him against any accusation brought against him. If he had become mayor, I know very well that he would either have enforced all his ordinances, or else have set the entire town in an uproar. Of this I accuse John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex.

The evening before the day when the mayor was to be elected, John More advised all his servants and his men to carry arms at the Guildhall the following day. For, he let it be known, he and his associates would keep guard at the entrances that day, with the intent that no-one should go in except those who would choose John Norhampton as mayor. Of this I accuse John More.

On the day that Sir Nicholas Brembre was chosen mayor, soon after dinner John Norhampton went to John More's house, and Richard Norbury and William Essex also came there. They agreed there that the mayor, John Norhampton, should send a message to the crafts members of the common council and to the wardens of the crafts, to tell them to come to Goldsmiths' Hall the following day, where the mayor would speak to them, to consider and arrange how to overturn the election of Sir Nicholas Brembre. And were it not for fear of the king, I am certain everyone would have been at each other's throats. Then he sent Richard Norbury, Robert Ryseby and me, Thomas Usk, to the Neyt, to the Duke of Lancaster, to say the following: "Sir, today when we wished to participate in the election of the mayor in the peace of God and the king, there came a dreadful crowd of hecklers whom no-one knew; and they, without any right other than that of force, chose Sir Nicholas Brembre mayor, contrary to the electoral procedures we have used in the past. Consequently we request you to obtain for us a writ from the king to hold a new election." But the duke replied: "No indeed, you shall have no writ. Sort out the matter amongst yourselves." Of this I accuse John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex.

When all the people [summoned] had gathered at Goldsmiths' Hall, mayor John Norhampton painted as bad a picture as he could of the election the previous day, and said: "Sirs, this sets the scene for us to be trampled underfoot, and that," said he, "I will not tolerate. Let us rather die here and now than suffer such mischief." These words stirred up the commons, and they said that they would indeed hold another election, and not put up with such a wrong, or else all die together. Then the mayor, John Norhampton, instructed them all to go home, and quickly come back to the Cheap in strength with all their [fellow] craftsmen – I reckon there were about 30 crafts. The intent was for them to assemble in Cheap and proceed to hold a new election. In fact, if the aldermen had not come to negotiate and persuaded John Norhampton to send the people home, they would have held a new election and were so worked up they would have killed anyone who tried to stop them. Of this I accuse John Norhampton.

In regard to all the matters described above, though John Norhampton, who was at that time mayor, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and occasionally Adam Bame, seeing that the most respectable men had dissociated from them because of their uncompromising policies and poor decisions, and had already rejected [working with] them, nonetheless attracted support from many crafts and a multitude of the lesser people who have no understanding of government or how to make good decisions. And through confederacy, [illegal] assemblies, and conspiracy, planned and brought about as indicated above, they intended to uphold by force their false and wicked notions, under the pretext of communal benefit exhorting the people to be ready from day to day to support them in what they were evilly planning. In this way, as much after he ceased being mayor as before, all those who were on his side stirred up trouble, held meetings, and plotted what has been described above – except for Adam Bame who, as far as I know, since he [i.e. Northampton] ceased being mayor, has not been involved with him. Also, John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex would so greatly slander the respectable men of the town that the people were, and are, sufficiently emboldened to rebel against those who govern them, now and in the future, as a result of lies and agitation, conspiracies, assemblies, and confederacies made then and continued ever since, as described above. All this has come about – the confederacies, the stirring up, the debates, and the great strife that is still dominating the city – principally through John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex, and what they have had done. It is on the point of bringing trouble down on the whole kingdom. The city has been tottering on the brink, and still is. Which evil intentions I aided and abetted in whatever ways I could, for which I beg grace and mercy of my liege-lord the king, and secondly of the mayor and all the respectable aldermen, and of all the good commons of the town, as one who will never again offend against the town in any way. And to tell truth, Adam Bame was not so frequently nor so heavily involved in these matters as were the others. Of this I accuse John Norhampton, Richard Norbury, John More, and William Essex.

Ever since he ceased being mayor, John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex have busied themselves ... in winning the backing of the populace, and has put his own efforts into convening assemblies and gatherings of companies, [to urge them] to stand by him ... and he instructed me, Thomas Usk, to [go to] the Bow to meet with other folk he had gathered, and there he showed a petition that had been drawn up against him and he obtained assurance from that group that they would stand by him [only fragments of the remainder of the text could be read; they suggest that Northampton's supporters (Usk and two goldsmiths) were making a further effort to win support from the Duke of Lancaster, and they close with Usk reiterating his repentance for his part in the affair and appealing for mercy].

[2. Findings of an inquisition into the actions of John Northampton]

At an earlier date before Nicholas Brembre mayor it was presented that John Norhampton, recently mayor of the city of London (that is, in 1381 and 1382) held meetings on various occasions at the tavern of John Willyngham in the Bow involving one or two men from some twenty craft gilds – that is, the armourers, girdlers, lorimers, pinners, wiredrawers, cardmakers, curriers, horners, tilers, smiths, dyers, fullers, shermen, haberdashers, cordwainers, and whichever of the other of the lesser gilds supported him – who were chosen by John Norhampton to be members of the common council. On any of these occasions the mayor was accompanied there by his advisors John More mercer, Richard Norbury mercer, William Essex draper, and also Thomas Usk, a scribe for writing his documents. At those meetings were debated various matters and proposals for diminishing and subverting the liberties and customs that have previously been used in the city. The aim being that, at any [session of the] common council at which those thus elected were present, they might unanimously agree on the matters or proposals previously dealt with in that way, and thus the common council would present to the public a common face on such matters as indicated above. Following this method, John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk introduced whatever proposals suited them and had them entered in the [Letter] book of the Guildhall of London as a matter of record. Because Sir William Walworth and others held contrary opinions, it was agreed among John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk that, during the time he was mayor, John Norhampton should accept onto his council those who suited him, and those who put themselves in opposition to his will should be rejected. And that no-one should come to the common council from a craft that opposed him, except only two presented by the craftsmen and who were approved by John Norhampton; but from other crafts that supported him might come as many as they wished. In this way he arranged to have with him at every common council so many men from those crafts supporting him that the party opposing him, or opposing his proposals, was powerless.

They also present that during the mayoral term of John Norhampton it was ordained by John Norhampton and the others that all alderman should be removed [from the office] on a yearly basis, and others should be elected in their place. That the common council should comprise men from various crafts. That no victualler might hold judicial office within the city, and that victuallers from outside might bring their victuals to the city and freely sell the same by retail or any other method, without being subject to the liberties customarily governing victualling. The intent and plan of John Norhampton being that those articles and all ordinances made by them, whether good or bad, should in the future, through the power of the people that they had harnessed, be observed and maintained against any mayor holding office in future who might wish to act counter to them. Afterwards, once the reputable men forsook such wicked councils, as they had no option but to do, John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk drew to them the common people of whatever crafts were on their side, to stand with them in upholding, in life and in death, the wicked platform indicated above; at all such councils there were present, alongside John, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, Thomas Usk, and sometimes Adam Bamme. Their intent and arrangements were aimed at having the entire city under their rule etc., even if this necessitated getting rid of all the reputable men who had the power to speak out against them.

Also, because the long-standing officers – that is, the recorder, the chamberlain of the Guildhall, the common clerk, and other officers – were unwilling to endorse the ideas of John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk, but [instead] opposed them, around Easter 1382 John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk, at the Guildhall and elsewhere, from day to day during John Norhampton's mayoralty, conspired to remove those officers over the course of time and to replace them with such men as were willing to support their ideas. They declared in public that all who held themselves in opposition to their intentions were enemies of all good intentions; this was constantly used to get the poorer of the common people worked up against the reputable men and the city officers. And John Norhampton said to the people that the great men of the city wished to have the people in subjection, oppressed, and at the lowest level they could, forever. By him persisting in saying these things, it promoted discord and dissension between the reputable men and the middling people, to the detriment of the status quo.

Also, they present that on 11 October 1382, prior to the second election of John Norhampton to the mayoralty, because Sir John Philpot was opposing the wicked acts of John Norhampton, John More falsely arranged for a petition to be drawn up and submitted by the common council to the mayor and read out on election day. It sought from John Philpot a certain sum of money that he had borrowed from various persons when he had been mayor; it was then proposed that John Philpot be prohibited from holding any position or office within the city from that time forth.

Also, they present that on that same date certain provisions were made in secret by John Norhampton and others, at the houses of John Norhampton and John More, to do everything they could to have the commons of the city agree to the election of John Norhampton and no-one else as mayor, with the intent that all ordinances previously made by John Norhampton and others might be confirmed by the king in his next parliament.

Also, they present that at that parliament a writ from the king was sought by Richard Norbury, William Essex, John More, and Thomas Carleton, giving the mayor authority to punish all usurers within the city, whether at the suit of some [private] person wishing to lay a complaint or through an indictment. It was afterwards, that same year, in London agreed between the mayor and the others mentioned that by means of this writ they might have the pretext to take action against any person who happened to be found guilty in a public suit. And thus that same year, through scheming and plotting in advance in the parish of St. Mary-le-Bow, John Norhampton would have implemented his plan through attacks on many of the most reputable citizens of good standing, so that thereafter they might be unable to hold any position or office within the city. In this way they intended to put into action all their wicked arrangements and plans which had previously been put in place by John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk, concerning the offices of mayor, aldermen, sheriffs and other officers in the years following, so that none of John Norhampton's adversaries could hold any office.

Also, they present that at John More's contrivance Walter Sibyle, John Horn, and Adam Karlill were falsely indicted in 1382 by several inquisitions [held] before the sheriffs of London at that time, Adam Bamme and John Sely, on various charges of insurrection and other felonies [committed] at London. Of which [the findings of] the two best inquisitions were returned to the king, and not the others – the remainder of the inquisitions being kept back, at John More's contrivance, in the hands of the sheriffs.

Also, they present that, prior to 13 October 1383, the date when Nicholas Brembre was elected mayor of the city, by the decision of John Norhampton then mayor, John More, Richard Norbury etc. prearranged between them through their deceitful connivance and conspiracy, William Essex and Thomas Usk frequently went to the Goldsmiths' Hall to speak with members of the common council about electing a mayor for the year coming; to which end the names of the councillors were given to Thomas Usk by John Norhampton, with the intention that Thomas communicate to the commons his understanding of the said matter. There an agreement was reached that certain persons of various crafts, whose names had not previously been put forward for the common council, would be required [to come] among the common council on election day to help elect John Norhampton as mayor. And that the middling people were to be placed on the council to provide similar support; with the intent that they stand solidly behind John Norhampton in all actions, and that if in future any other mayor elected in the city was an opponent of John Norhampton and wished to speak out against John concerning what has been mentioned above or any other wicked deeds, John Norhampton might rely on the middling people he had drawn to himself appearing to support him against all things of which he was accused.

Also, they present that on the evening before the day of Nicholas' election as mayor, John More in his house in St. Mary-le-Bow parish forewarned all his servants to be armed the following day at the Guildhall, and he told them that he and his colleague, the other sheriff, wished to stand guard that day at the entrance to the Guildhall, so that no-one should enter unless he was someone willing to elect John Norhampton in the mayoralty.

Also, they present that on the day when Nicholas was elected, John Norhampton, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk came to John More's house in the Bow immediately after the [main] meal [of the day]. There it was agreed that John Norhampton should send [instructions] to those persons who, at the time of Nicholas' election, were in the common council of the crafts and to the wardens of the crafts, to come to Goldsmiths' Hall the following day, where John Norhampton would talk with them and arrange how the election of Nicholas Brembre might be annulled. And this being done, it was only fear of the king intervening in the city that prevented John Norhampton and the others instigating a public outcry and uprising, at a time when John Norhampton was mayor and keeper of the peace.

Afterwards, John Norhampton sent Richard Norbury ... to the Neyt to inform the Duke of Lancaster that on election day they had expected to proceed with the mayoral election in the peace of God and the king, but there intervened a dreadful crowd of unknown persons making a great clamour; and there, without any precedent in city custom concerning the mayoral election, they used force to elect Nicholas. They begged the duke to let them have a king's writ to proceed with holding a new election. In response to which the duke told them that they could have no writ on the matter, but should sort out the matter amongst themselves.

Also, they present that on the day following that on which Nicholas Brembre was elected mayor, at the Goldsmiths' Hall, when the populace had gathered there at his wishes, John Norhampton painted as bad a picture as he could of Nicholas' election and said to them that it was certain that an effort would be made to crush them if that election were allowed to stand, which he himself was not willing to permit; rather, he said, let us be agreed all to die together at one time than to endure such abuse.... The commons were stirred up and said that they wished to proceed to another election. So John Norhampton ordered them all to hurry home and return with all the men of their crafts to the Cheap, to hold a new election. If many of the aldermen had not intervened and negotiated with John Norhampton for a peaceful resolution, the commons would have fulfilled their wish to proceed with a new election, and they were so stirred up and hot under the collar as to threaten to kill anyone – including Nicholas and the aldermen, among others – who wanted to prevent them.

Also, they present that concerning all these matters described above during John Norhampton's mayoralty, that is during the years 1382 to 1383, John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk, and on occasion Adam Bamme, subjecting to their bad government and poor decisions the good and reputable people of the city, who dissociated from them because of the abuse they had suffered in the past, [instead] drew to themselves many men of various crafts and many of the middling people who were completely ignorant of good government. Through their premeditated conspiracy and by means of popular assemblies they intended to maintain by force their perverse and wicked notions under the pretext of communal benefit, and were always exhorting the people to be ready to support them. In this way, both after John Norhampton had ceased to be mayor (that is, in 1383) and before, John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk feloniously conspired and so greatly slandered the good people of the city that the populace was, and still is, sufficiently emboldened to rebel against those who govern them ... And because of them ... great dissension and tumult have arisen among the people, and are still holding sway up to the present, to the point where they threaten to disrupt the whole kingdom of England.

After John Norhampton was no longer mayor, that is immediately after 28 October 1383 and the year that followed, and Nicholas had assumed the mayoralty, John Norhampton, John More, Richard Norbury, William Essex, and Thomas Usk focused their efforts on winning the populace to John Norhampton's side and urging them to stand by them in their wicked acts against Nicholas Brembre. In this regard, on 18 January 1384 John Norhampton sent Thomas Usk to the Bow to meet with men he had gathered there, and there he showed them a certain petition drawn up against him and entreated them all to stand by him ... that they should not be exposed to any injury or oppression that any Londoner sought to inflict on them.

Also, they say that after John Norhampton was arrested in London by Nicholas Brembre, that is on 7 February 1384, Robert Franceys goldsmith, John Lincolle goldsmith, and Thomas Usk at their own deceitful initiative followed up with the Duke of Lancaster, to inform the duke that John Norhampton was the best mayor that had ever been and to criticize Nicholas Brembre and his administration.

Also, they present that on 11 February 1384 John More mercer, Richard Norbury mercer, Robert Franceys goldsmith, and others rose up against mayor Nicholas ... and made illegal assemblies both in the parish of St. Mary-le-Bow and elsewhere in various parts of the city and suburbs, with the result that the doors and windows of many shops in West Cheap, Budge Row, Fleet Street and elsewhere that were previously open quickly closed as soon as they had word of the uprising, and the people gathered together, conspiring to kill mayor Nicholas. Which mayor, hearing of this, gathered around him many of the aldermen and other sensible men and went in armed force to West Cheap to uphold the king's peace.

Also, it was similarly presented by a certain inquisition that John Norhampton citizen and draper, William Essex draper, Richard Norbury mercer, Robert Ryseby draper, Thomas Usk scrivener, John Maudeleyn tailor, Guy Paulyn draper, John Bere haberdasher, John Muntham joiner, and Thomas Kyngesbrigge cordwainer are the leading conspirators behind such illegal assemblies. And that they, out of malice, on 2 November 1383 in the parish of St. Mary-le-Bow in the ward of Cordwainer Street, after the aforementioned mayor had assumed all the powers of the mayoralty of the city by taking his oath, and after that from day to day, both there and at St. Paul's church, the Minorites' friary, and the Augustinian friary ... conspired against the mayor and the aldermen and ... as a result of which a certain part of the populace showed itself through various indications, in looks and in words, to be rebellious and disobedient towards the mayor etc.

They also say that this mayor, on 22 January 1384, before the king's council at Westminster and in the presence of various aldermen, spoke as politely as he could to John Norhampton concerning his misdeeds and other of his malicious acts. Although John Norhampton was unwilling to acknowledge any such misdeeds, he did however in front of the council submit himself entirely to accept whatever judgement the mayor and aldermen reached. Upon which the council ordered John Norhampton to go with the mayor and aldermen back to the city, in their custody, and there to accept and comply with their decision ... if he wished to avoid serious punishment. Which, when there, John Norhampton having agreed to do ... immediately, by the mayor's grace and out of respect for the king's council, he was set at liberty upon reputable men being found as guarantors of John Norhampton's peaceable behaviour and abstention from making any assembly without the mayor's permission ... All of which notwithstanding, over the course of two days preceding Sunday, 7 February 1384, John Norhampton sent his neighbours to summon various men, numbering about 500 in total, who came to John Norhampton at St. Mary-le-Bow church on that Sunday in response to the call. John Norhampton led them through the centre of West Cheap and through the middle of St. Paul's church[yard], and thus beyond Ludgate as far as the church of the Carmelite friars in the suburbs. For which reason the mayor arrested him and he remained under arrest, until by the authority of a royal writ he was sent to Corfe Castle.

[3. Northampton's final resort to armed resistance, as reported by two inquisition juries]

a) Also, they say under oath that John Norhampton and his aforementioned accomplices [Essex and Usk], together with John More and Richard Norbury, whom he permitted to aid and abet him, devised a crafty way to engineer an uprising by the people of the city against the mayor, in a felonious and treasonable effort to overthrow the city, notwithstanding the earlier proclamation of the king's restraining order. To further the wicked plans he had already worked out, during the two days prior to 7 February 1384, without having sought licence from the mayor, they arranged for various messengers to summon men of their and other crafts, under penalty of a monetary fine, that is 6s.8d (even though John Norhampton was not at that time an officer of the king in the city), to gather on the Sunday after midday in the churchyard of St. Mary-le-Bow, London. On which day, shortly after midday in response to the summons, there assembled Geoffrey Waldern, William Hoghton, John Whytyngton, Thomas Noket, Richard Norbury, John Carbonell, John Chedder, and others to the number of about five hundred men, whom John Carpenter led – as if their captain – through West Cheap. The mayor being advised of this was astonished and as fast as may be hurried after them, concerned about the possibility of them causing an affray or a disturbance of the peace. Seeing them as they proceeded on their perambulation, he twice sent ahead to them, through his sergeant John Bothisham, to tell them to wait for him. But John Norhampton and his followers had no inclination to do so at that point, nor until the mayor caught up with them near the bridge over the Fleet. There John Norhampton, openly revealing the animosity towards the mayor he felt in his heart, acted in a rebellious manner to the mayor, organizing his followers by dividing them into two ranks lined up along opposite sides of the street, obliging the mayor with the men who had come with him to make his way down the middle of them, showing no honour or respect for the mayor as they ought to have done because of their oaths [as freemen].

Also, they say under oath that after Nicholas the mayor reached John Norhampton and his followers at the Fleet Bridge and asked him, as well as ordered him in the king's name, to come with him, they refused to heed his warning at first, until at the last John Norhampton ordered his companions to follow him, not the mayor, and they left the latter standing there. Nor was John Norhampton himself willing to go with the mayor, but in defiance of the mayor he and his followers stuck together in their rebellion and he went his own way.

Also, they say under oath that the same Sunday, after the rumour had spread in the city that John Norhampton had gathered a crowd in Fleet Street to put up resistance to the mayor, people of the city who sided with the mayor hurried there to help him. The mayor seeing this and realizing how stirred up the populace was and particularly how rebellious John Norhampton was, in an attempt to calm the crowds, asked and ordered those who sided with John Norhampton to move off with him from the church of the Carmelite friars; this they refused to do, declaring openly to each other that "we didn't come here with him, so we won't leave here with him". Because of John Norhampton's rebelliousness, and in order to protect his life and those of others who were with him, the mayor arrested John Norhampton and took him into custody.

Also, they say under oath that the same Sunday, after John Norhampton was arrested by the mayor in Fleet Street, as mentioned above, a certain Robert Cumberton the brother of John Norhampton and John Blyton a servant of John Norhampton, brandishing their glistening knives and daggers before the mayor, attempted a rescue on John Norhampton near the hostelry there call Topfeld's Inn, feloniously disturbing the king's peace. As a result of which, the mayor subsequently arrested Robert Cumberton and John Blyton.

Also, they say under oath that the same Sunday, shortly after John Norhampton had been placed under arrest, he arrived with the mayor at the street called Cordwainer Street. Seeing his supporters gathered around his house there and hoping that he might be rescued, he arrogantly threatened the mayor with these words, as if rejecting the fact that he was in custody, saying "You have brought me here by force, now shall I go into my house?" To which the mayor replied, "No, you shall come with me." John Norhampton responded, "If you take me any further, I won't be held responsible for any violence that comes of it. Whatever happens, let it be on your head." This was said by John Norhampton because of his intention, with malice aforethought, to benefit from the trouble he had stirred up in his effort to overthrow the city – and indeed the whole kingdom of England.

Also, they say under oath that following John Norhampton's confinement in the house of the mayor, John Remes, Thomas Lincolle, Richard Brendewode, Robert Ryseby, Thomas Depham, and Simon Stratton, along with Robert Chamberleyn a servant of John Norhampton and Robert a former servant of William Essex, came with a huge crowd of people which they had raised and led to the mayor's house. They did the best they could to use force to break down the doors of that house (which had the status of the king's prison) and feloniously and treasonably to remove John Norhampton from the mayor's custody.

Also, they say under oath that Robert Cumberton, John More, John Constantyn, Robert Ryseby, Thomas Usk, William Tyngewyk, and other accomplices and supporters of John Norhampton, on the first count and also on the second one indicated above, with the agreement, arrangement, and instigation of John Norhampton, who was at that time in custody in the mayor's house, as has been said, treacherously, feloniously and treasonably plotted and raised a conspiracy involving the people of the city. That is, in the churchyard of St. Mary's and elsewhere in the city from that Sunday continuously until the Thursday following, they tried to raise the people, carry out a rescue of John Norhampton, and kill the mayor and other reputable men of the city. As a result of which conspiracy and plot, on the morning of that Thursday, Robert Cumberton, John More, John Constantyn, Robert Ryseby, Thomas Usk, and William Tyngewyk, as the principal movers, rose up and incited the people to do the same. Many shops in various streets of the city – that is, in West Cheap, Budge Row, and elsewhere – that were previously open were closed up, and the people who sided with John Norhampton found themselves weapons and rose up, with the result that the city would have been given over to extensive carnage and pillage, to the point of its overthrow, had not the mayor, by the grace of God, quickly brought an opposing armed force to the aid and relief of the populace, stood his ground against the rioters, and forced an end to their activities, pacifying them by encircling their forces.

b) It was presented that John Norhampton draper, Thomas Carleton embroiderer, William Essex, Thomas Usk, and Richard Norbury were the chief conspirators. They also say that John More, Robert Cumberton the brother of John Norhampton, John Constantyn cordwainer, John Doncastre coppersmith, John Muntham joiner ... were their supporters .... [The document proceeds to describe the events leading up to and of 7 February, with the progress of Northampton's perambulation] beyond Ludgate as far as Fleet Bridge. Without prior warning of this assembly, the mayor was advised of it while at a meal at the house of Sir Richard Waldegrave in Wood Street, St. Michael of Hog Lane parish, with Sir William Walworth, Sir John Philpot, Robert Warbulton, John Shadworth, Adam Bamme, Henry Bamme, and others. Taking with him John Philpot, Henry Vannere, and William Cheyne, along with Simon Wynchecombe one of the city sheriffs ... the mayor hurried to West Cheap, where he caught sight of John Norhampton and his followers heading for the church of St. Michael at Corn[market]. Then the mayor sent John Botkysham, one of his sergeants, to John Norhampton to forbid him, on behalf of the mayor and in the king's name, going any further before the mayor could catch up to him. John Botkysham reached them as they were about to go into St. Paul's churchyard and communicated to them the prohibition as instructed. That notwithstanding, they refused to wait, some of them declaring "Keep marching, keep marching". Seeing this, John Botkysham returned to the mayor and informed him of the situation. The mayor then ordered the same sergeant to go back to them again, to get them to wait for the mayor and his associates. The sergeant went and, reaching them in St. Paul's churchyard, announced his message to them. But John Norhampton and his lieutenants refused to pay heed, so the sergeant went back to the mayor and told him of it. A third time that sergeant was instructed by the mayor to go to them to say that, in the name of the mayor and the king, they should halt until the mayor and his associates reached them, or otherwise risk the penalty.

The sergeant ran off a third time and came to John Norhampton at Fleet Bridge, where he communicated his message. At that, John Norhampton and the others, looking back the way they had come and seeing the mayor close at hand and hurrying towards them, called a halt. John Norhampton lined up his followers on either side of the street. When the mayor, with a handful of others, had come up to them they passed through the middle of them, heading towards the Carmelite friary. Then, looking back the way they had come, they saw John and the people with him still standing together assembled in the positions they had held when they passed through them, rather than following the mayor; seeing this, the mayor and all the others [with him] were astonished by it. In this fashion John Norhampton demonstrated his rebelliousness and opposition towards his mayor. Upon which, the mayor then three or four times by words and signals requested and ordered them to come and go with them; but none of them budged until first John Norhampton slowly made a move, and then the others came with him, and they followed the mayor at a distance and defiantly as far as and into the church of the Carmelites ... At which point, in the Carmelite church, the mayor ordered that everyone who belonged to the liberty of the city should withdraw with him, in order to preserve the king's peace. But some declared they would not go off with him. When the mayor left the church, heading in the direction of Fleet Bridge, it was with John Norhampton in his custody ... for the purpose of calming down the folk on either side, for many had gathered together there to take sides in the uprising against the mayor; but, God be thanked, the mayor and alderman then had the more powerful following. With much difficulty, they placed a guard around John Norhampton and his brother Robert and, careful to remain alert, made their way towards the mayor's house.

When they arrived at the end of Cordwainer Street, next to William Kyng's shop and close to the entrance to John Norhampton's house, John made a request to the mayor, saying by way of a threat, "Unless you allow me to go home to my house, I will not be held responsible for any violence that occurs hereafter." This he said in an arrogant and contemptuous manner. Upon which the mayor led John Norhampton to the mayor's house, to make his custody more secure and certain.

And they say that disturbances, rumours, and clashes were instigated and fomented on a daily basis in the city and suburbs, particularly on Thursday, 11 February, when huge gatherings took place and the windows, doors, and shops in West Cheap, Budge Row and elsewhere were closed in anticipation of an uprising ... And certain troublemakers and disturbers of the king's peace – that is, John More, Robert Cumberton, and John Constantyn – caused an uprising ...

[4. The mayoral election of 1384]

It being the case that each 12 October the senior and more important citizens of London were accustomed to proceed with the election of a new mayor, Sir Nicholas Brembre, who had been mayor over the past year, wanted to take precautions against any disputes or disturbances being stirred up during this election. Acting secretly, he concealed armed men in rooms of the Guildhall, with the intent that, should any disagreement or dispute occur at this election, they would at once appear to subdue the rebels and troublemakers; so that fear of being punished with imprisonment, at the least, would discourage them from their disruptive behaviour and heckling, and they would immediately revert to a harmonious and communal frame of mind. What more need be said? [When] the important townsmen assembled at the Guildhall to elect a new mayor, one part of the citizenry raised loud cries of "Twyford! Twyford!", disposed to have him as their mayor, while another part had other loyalties and shouted even more loudly "Brembre! Brembre!" This division of opinion having thus arisen, Sir Nicholas Brembre gave a signal and at once the armed men emerged to confront the assembly and quell those acting seditiously. When they saw this, those who were shouting "Twyford!" took to flight. Once order had been restored, those of the important citizens who remained were united in acclaiming Sir Nicholas Brembre to the mayoralty for another term. This being achieved, Brembre with his armed troops made their way along the street called Cheap, on the lookout for any disturbers of the peace who might have congregated there, and afterwards paraded through other streets for the same purpose, with the intent that if he found any such troublemakers he would make an example of them to others, by chaining them up in Newgate for a while. In this fashion was the election carried out. Although there were those who challenged its validity, insofar as they dared, nonetheless [Brembre] remained mayor throughout the rest of the year, with the special approval of the king.

[5. Northampton squarely blamed by his enemies for the disturbances, 1385]

Memorandum that at a congregation of the mayor, alderman and several good men chosen from the wisest and most discreet men of the wards summoned and assembled in the Chamber of the Guildhall on 22 March 1385 there were present Sir Nicholas Brembre mayor, William Cheyne recorder, John Hadle, John Boseham, Robert Warbulton, Henry Vannere, John Hende, Adam de Seint Ive, William More, Nicholas Exston, John Fressh, John Rote, Roger Elys, John Fraunceis, Thomas Welford, William Staundon and Simon Wynchecombe, aldermen, and the following persons from the wards: [70 men are named, per ward].

Whereas there had long been dissension and division in the city between divers men of the same, whereby great evil and peril might arise, to the destruction and loss both of the city and of the whole realm, unless remedy were found by the aid of God, and the said mayor and aldermen and other wise men desiring peace and tranquillity, accord, unity and quiet among the people, and wishing to be informed and certified, as far as possible, as to the cause and root of the said dissension and division and how they might be ousted, and unity and accord be made and kept among the people, demand was made of every person, alderman and commoner, by the faith which he owed to God and our lord the king and the oath which he had made to the city, to declare and say openly on his conscience and as he would answer before God, sparing none, what was the cause and root of such dissension and division, whereupon all said severally that it was the life of John Norhampton, for so long as he remained alive all those that were of his covin hoped that he would return to the city and by this hope they comforted others, whereby dissension arose and would always continue so long as he lived. And further, each of them said on his conscience that the thing which would most easily engender unity and accord, and would oust all dissensions and divisions and, in their opinion, would bring the matter to a good end, would be to require and pray our said lord the king in his high and royal majesty that execution of the judgement of law given on the said John Norhampton in the Tower of London should be done, for so long as he lived the said people of his covin and lovers of his opinions would hope for his return to the city as aforesaid, which would be to the utter confusion and destruction of the city, which God forbid. And upon this, with one accord, it was agreed that it would be well for the mayor to take with him certain aldermen and commoners, such as seemed to him good, and to approach our lord the king, petitioning him in the manner and form aforesaid.

And also because the mayor and commoners were advised that for safeguarding of the city and suburbs against any peril that might arise, it would be necessary that a good ditch and a pale above it should be made around all the suburbs of the city for its defence in case need should arise, which God forbid, and because it would take too long to settle the question as to how and in what manner it should be done, since many matters and arguments would be raised among so many men and peradventure no conclusion would be made, it was agreed by everyone that the mayor and aldermen on the morrow should choose from among themselves twelve aldermen and twelve commoners of the most sufficient and discreet men in the city to ordain and treat by what means and how the said matter should be brought into effect, and in what manner the costs which would be needed might be levied, and to do all other things which appertained to the said matter.

[6. Accusations against Thomas Austin, of complicity in Northampton's cause]

First, the essence of the accusation or appeal [...]

To his worship the mayor of London: please be informed that Thomas Austyn is, and has been, one of the principal supporters of the treason against our liege lord the king; that is, in aiding and abetting John Norhampton and those holding the same views regarding the overthrow of the city of London, and regarding making a false complaint to the Duke of Lancaster that he [i.e. Northampton] was unjustly convicted before the king.

One instance of this is that Thomas Austyn was always ready to contribute to John Norhampton's cause or, personally and with his men, to stand alongside John Norhampton and his supporters against the king, insofar as he was able and dared.

Another instance is that, during Sir Nicholas Brembre's mayoralty, on every occasion that Thomas Austyn was given advance warning by the mayor to [join in the] ride to meet the king, or to participate in maintaining the peace, then Thomas Austyn was scornful and resisted the summonses, and either kept out of the way or had to go out of town on an errand.

Another instance is that two days before the time of Sir Nicholas Brembre's second election, Thomas distributed his principal goods by night to various places, for what purpose we never knew.

Another instance is that Thomas instructed all his men that none should absent themselves from his house on the following morning, at which time they would see men heading toward the Guildhall, but none returning. In the privacy of his own property, Thomas Austin armed himself from head to foot, except for his helmet, and armed the 15 or 16 men who were at hand; in anticipation that if Sir Nicholas Brembre, then mayor, took possession of the Guildhall, they (together with other companies that they expected to be there in defiance of the king's peace) would attack him, planning to have completely destroyed those who were in the right. In addition, his brother Roger Austyn went to and fro between [Thomas' group and the others], to keep them informed about what was to be attempted at the election of Brembre. Upon which Thomas Austin sent [a message] to Wigmours, where an illegal common council was held that night by the supporters of John Norhampton, that they should be ready to pursue their aims. The following morning, at the time of the election of Brembre as mayor, he went out into Cheapside and then, seeing the strength [of the opposing forces], Thomas Austyn threw off his armour and declared "All we have been trying to achieve is lost!" He quietly instructed his men to return to his shop and open it, as if nothing had happened; and so they did.

Also, another instance is that on the same day his servant, Hochon of Liverpool, was keeping watch from his room when along came Hugh Fastolf and urinated against the wall of St. Laurence's church. Hochon of Liverpool said, "There's one of those thieves," and continued, "Watch how I nail him to the wall with an arrow." Then he pulled back on his bowstring with the intent of killing him and I, John Hore, said, "Leave it out, you'll do for us all." And so it was stopped.

Another instance is that Thomas Austyn saw that other dishonest men were punished for their lies and was afraid that his deceit would be revealed. So soon after he sent to his man overseas, telling him not to mark his wares with his own [merchant's] mark, so that it might be arrested upon arrival in England; he abandoned his true mark and took this mark [illustration]. This was done for fear that his dishonesty might be revealed.

Another instance is that Thomas Austyn has said on several occasions, with forethought, that things would never be well in England while this king were king.

Another instance is that on several occasions, in his presence, his wife has said that certainly the king was never the [Black] Prince's son; she also said that his mother was never any more than a whore, through and through. Thomas never once showed any inclination to tell her to hold her tongue, but indulged her malice.

And another instance is that when Thomas Austyn realized that the Duke could not get his way with our liege lord, he said, "There is nothing for it now, but that someone arranges for two men to run Brembre through and skedaddle."

Also, another instance is that when the Duke was staying at Hertford while there was a quarrel between him and our liege lord, he [i.e. Austin] sent me, John Banham, to Hertford as quick as I could, so that I could find out when he intended to come to London and whether he would come in strength or not. The man from whom I, John Banham, should have learned this was not there, but was out delivering a message from the Duke.

Also, another instance is that on the same day as the election Thomas Austyn told me, John Banham, to go into Cheapside and spy if I could see any companies heading for the Guildhall – that is, goldsmiths, tailors, cordwainers – and come home and tell him.

Another instance is that on various occasions Thomas Austyn has said that things would never be right until the lying whores who controlled our liege lord the king &150; namely, Brembre – were hung.

Another instance is that four days before the same election took place, Thomas Austyn [said] to a Kidderminster man: "Right now, the mayor imagines he won't face much opposition on that day. Well, he'll have more than a thousand against him, so let him enjoy himself while he can."

Another instance is that he has stolen a thousand pounds from our liege lord the king.

Another instance is that on several occasions he said he didn't care who was king, so long as he were left in peace.

Another instance is that while Norhampton's brother was in prison, all that he could find out came by word of mouth through me, John Banham. And I, John Banham, stand by [these accusations, affirming] that they are honest and truthful, without deceit or evil motive.

As regards the essence of any of these indictments, we do not have nor have we sought any other indictment regarding persons named in the king's writ, nor anyone else, other than on the articles and accusations in the document specified above; from which inquisition, recently held before Nicholas Exton mayor of the city of London, William More and William Staundon then sheriffs, and John Charneye the city coroner, we attach for you the tenor of the indictment, as follows:

Inquisition taken at the Guildhall of London on 16 September 1387, before Nicholas Exton mayor of the city of London, William More and William Staundon sheriffs, and John Charneye coroner of that city, by the oath of reputable and law-abiding men of the city, to enquire into articles and accusations contained and specified in the aforesaid document. The inquisition jurors present under their oath, saying that everything contained in the document is true, except the article stating that "he has stolen a thousand pounds from our liege lord the king." And that Thomas Austyn is guilty of all the other articles and accusations contained and specified in the document, except that in which it claims that Thomas Austyn stole a thousand pounds from the king. Those jurors say that they know nothing about that, but that Thomas at various times concealed [his obligation to pay] the king's customs and withheld them, that is the subsidies on cloth, linen, canvas and other of his merchandize imported into the city of London, to the value of one hundred and twenty-five pounds. The jurors say that all other offences contained in the document were committed mostly prior to the election of Sir Nicholas Brembre as mayor of the city of London – that is, before 13 October 1384 – and from there up to about 1 May following; they cannot discover among themselves that anything happened in these regards afterwards. But, the jurors say, it is their understanding that Thomas Austyn has continued up to the present to hold in his heart these evil intentions towards the city government.

We, William Venour and Hugh Fastolf, sheriffs of London, have no other indictments, appeals or accusations such as are mentioned in the writ, that were in any way received or tried during the time that we have been sheriffs of the city.

Further to this, I Nicholas Exton, mayor, am advising you that a certain extremely serious accusation was made before me and the former sheriffs, William More and William Staundon, against Roger Austyn in regard to the person of the king. Into which we have not dared enquire without special orders from the king; nor are we prepared to report on it in writing or orally, except in private. The king is fully informed on this matter.

[7. Burning of the documentary evidence of reforms, 1387]

Be it remembered, that on the Saturday next after the Feast of St. Gregory [12 March], in the 10th year etc., by precept of Nicholas Extone, the then Mayor, a Common Council of the City of London was summoned, as well of those chosen for the Common Council by each Ward of the said city, as of other the more reputable and more substantial men of the same; who assembled in such great numbers, that the Upper Chamber would not hold them; wherefore, they removed to the Guildhall below, and the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs, being seated there in the place for the Husting assigned, because that by reason of certain new oaths of the officers of the said city, and certain new ordinances, repugnant to the old and approved customs of the same, which were written down in a certain quire, or book, called "Jubile", great controversies, dissensions, and disputes were often caused among the citizens; and that therefore it had oftentimes been asked in divers Common Councils of the said city that the said quire, or book, should be burnt; – it was now, by assent of the said Mayor and Aldermen, and the whole of the Common Council, and of the other reputable men aforesaid, agreed and adjudged, that the said quire, or book, should be burnt on that same day in the place without the Guildhall.

[8. Attempt to prevent a resurgence of the divisions, 1391]

Whereas many dissensions, quarrels, and false reports have prevailed in the city of London, as between trade and trade, person and person, because of divers controversies lately moved between Nicholas Brembre, Knight, and John Norhampton, of late Mayors of the same city, who were men of great power and estate, and had many friendships and friends within the same; to the great peril of the same city, and, maybe, of all the realm; to the displeasure also of God, and of every good man: and by reason thereof, if some remedy, with the Almighty aid, be not applied thereunto, destruction and annihilation to the said city may readily ensue, and peril and damage to all the realm, – the which may God avert; – therefore, by assent of Adam Bamme, the Mayor, and the Aldermen of the said city, considering the mischief and great damage that from this cause has ensued, and desiring to maintain the peace of our Lord the King, and of all the realm; for the common profit, they have ordained and established, that no man, great or small, or whatsoever estate or condition he be, shall speak from henceforth, or agitate upon any of the opinions, as to either of them, the said Nicholas and John, or shall by sign, or in any other manner, shew that such person is of the one opinion or the other. But let the folks of the same city be of one accord in good love, without speaking, any person to another, on the said matter, in manner of reproof or of hatred; on pain, if any one shall speak or do against any of the points aforesaid, of imprisonment in Neugate for a year and a day, without redemption; and of being subject to other penalty and ordinance in the Guildhall for the like cause made and ordained.