NOTES: 
 
|   | 
 
DITCH / BANK
 
It has been hypothesized from the name of one of the principal roads 
through Conesford, Berstrete, together with the 
deviation in the curve of the town wall at the southern end of the city 
(suggestive of a direction northwards up Berstrete, rather than the actual 
more westerly curve taken by the main part of the wall), that a 
burh defence may 
have at one time existed along the line of this route to protect the 
south-western side of Conesford.  Archaeology has not substantiated this 
(in contrast to evidence of a ditch in the northwestern sector of the 
Anglo-Saxon settlement), and it seems unlikely that burh fortifications 
would have extended so far south beyond the main concentrations of 
settlement, but the theory remains.
 
As one of the most important, populous and prosperous towns of the 
kingdom, it was caught up in national conflicts and was used as a base, 
or targeted for attack, by rebels on several occasions between the 
Conquest and the baronial revolt of mid-13th century.  The civil war 
between Stephen and Matilda had prompted the townspeople to devote effort 
to ditch-digging in the (formerly unprotected?) area of Westwick, although 
such efforts were also motivated by the desire to define boundaries.  The 
assault by Flemings in 1174 apparently went undefended and the city was 
sacked.  Each generation must have had occasion to perceive the 
vulnerability of the place.  A city ditch is again heard of in 1235.
 
The ditch-bank dug in 1252/53 may have been an extension of existing 
defenses or may have followed a new line (in either case, it is generally 
assumed to have been that later taken by the 
stone walls), enclosing a large area of 
about a square mile  the city as defined by this defensive line 
being about a mile at its widest point and a mile and a half north to 
south.  There would probably have been a low wooden wall atop the bank to 
protect defenders.  This defensive line was serviced by 9 gates (see below) 
with wooden gatehouses.  In order to protect both Westwyk and the 
line of settlement that had spread south along Ber Street and Conesford 
Street, the southern stretch of the defensive line was necessarily 
a long sweeping arc.
 
As complaints by the surrounding countryside and 
by the monks attest, the line of the new ditch encompassed lands that were 
sparsely settled or simply fields (e.g. Gildencroft, 
Normannesland, Great Newgate)  
these might have been considered "suburbs" (and parish churches of late 
Saxon or early Norman period are associated with those to the north of the 
burh-ditch line) but the complaints suggest that some were strictly 
speaking outside of the jurisdiction of Norwich proper.  However, since 
the monks were defending their own 
jurisdictional claims, their complaints 
cannot entirely be trusted.  The new defensive line bulged out well 
beyond the lines (actual or hypothetical) of any Anglo-Saxon burh defense, 
to incorporate areas not then protected and those of 11th century 
expansion  notably Westwyk and Mancroft (now the urban centre)  as 
well as unsettled lands, some of which may however have once been borough 
fields subsequently lost to encroachments following the Conquest.  
Although the course of the ditch was dictated in part by the desire for a 
line that did not undulate in a way that would have created defensive 
problems, it also represented an assertion  if not a re-assertion  of 
territorial claims.
 
 | 
 
|   | 
 
|   | 
INDEPENDENT JURISDICTIONS:
 | 
 
| A | 
 
The Cathedral-priory precinct.  
The site 
acquired by Bishop Losinga was unusually large;  he envisaged 
not only a cathedral but also a priory for 
60 Benedictine 
monks and an episcopal palace.  The eastern section of the site was 
meadow, but western parts were previously built on and two churches had to 
be demolished; according to the complaint about the 1253 ditch, the 
meadowland  known as Cowholm  and the land on which St. Michael's had 
stood were not part of the hundred of 
Norwich).  The Prior's Fee included not only the close proper (east of 
Tombland and south of Holmestrete) but also Tombland itself and the settled 
area along Holmestrete, as well as Normannesland and Great Newgate (see 
below); the townspeople in these areas fell under a jurisdiction separate 
from that of the city.
 
 | 
 
| 
B | 
 
The Great Hospital.  
In 1249, Bishop Suffield founded the 
Hospital of St. Giles 
to take care of priests who were too poor (i.e. lacking a living) or too ill 
to work; 30 beds were provided for the sick and infirm, while provision was 
made for feeding other of the poor there daily.  The hospital was endowed 
with meadow-land stretching eastwards to the river.  Over time it gradually 
strayed from its mandate and became a desirable retirement home for 
wealthy citizens.
 
 | 
 
| 
C | 
 
The Castle Fee.  
The size of the fee can be imagined from the fact that 98 
burgesses lost their homes when the earthworks were constructed.  Even 
though it is only the keep 
and the mound raised beneath it which now 
survive, they are still imposing, even though the ditch is no longer 
as deep as originally.  The extensive 
fortification, which was the single 
royal castle/palace in Norfolk and Suffolk, must have had a daunting effect 
on any remaining Anglo-Saxon ambitions for independence; the mound 
was the highest of any English castle, having been raised and its surrounding 
ditch deepened ca.1100, in preparation for replacing the wooden keep with a 
sturdier one (flint core faced by Caen stone) that would serve not only defensive 
but administrative needs.  The fortifications were further strengthened in 
the late twelfth or early thirteenth centuries, 
the wooden palisade being replaced by a curtain walls incorporating towers 
and gatehouses. When the city took over the Fee 
in 1345, the keep and its mound were excluded.
 
 | 
 
| 
D | 
 
The Shirehouse.  
The location where the county court was held, presided over by the 
sheriff. Consequently, this remained outside city juridiction even after 
acquisition of the surrounding Fee (1345).
 
 | 
 
| 
E | 
 
Normannesland.  
An area of land here was part of the Prior's Fee and came to be known 
as Spitelond.  According to the complainants made about the 1253 ditch, 
this area was never actually part of the hundred of Norwich.  At the time 
that a hospital dedicated to St. Paul (although often known as 
Normanspitel) was founded thereon, in the first half of the 12th 
century, new endowments extended the area northwards, new settlers were 
found, and a new parish church (with the same dedication) provided for 
them.  The hospital served poor invalids of both sexes, though from 1429 
was restricted to women.
 
 | 
 
| 
F | 
 
Great Newgate. 
This was mainly agricultural land, and was earlier known as 
Thedwardscroft.  The name "Newgate" was inherited from the street on 
which it subsequently lay, which must at some point (probably in the 
11th century) have been a new offshoot from Nedham Street.  From ca.1100 
it was part of the Prior's Fee, remaining agricultural in character but 
possibly with some minor settlement of townsmen thereon prior to 1253.  
After lengthy disputes between city and priory as to ownership, the king 
took it away from the Prior (1291) and handed it over to the city (1305); 
this decision may have been motivated more by a consequent increase to the 
fee farm than to clear evidence of 
ownership.
 
 | 
 
| 
H | 
 
Little Newgate.  
Fields held by Carrow Abbey, but possibly with some 
minor settlement thereon prior to 1253 (when the area was named among 
others in the complaint about the ditch).  The Abbey held 
leet court for its tenants there, but 
surrendered its jurisdiction to the city in 1290.  The name was inherited 
from the area being adjacent to the lower (and lesser) part of the street 
known as Newgate.
 
 | 
 
|   | 
 
Pockthorpe 
The manor of Pockthorpe was part of the Prior's Fee and extended along 
the northern bank of the river to where it turned south.  It served as a 
home farm for the cathedral-priory.  After having been truncated by the 
line of the 1253 ditch, the area within the ditch was within a century, 
acquired by the 
Carmelites 
for their friary.
 
 | 
 
|   | 
 
Carrow 
Carrow Abbey was founded in 1146, by grant of the king to some 
Benedictine nuns, to the south of the (future) walled area, but on 
lands that had earlier served as townsmen's fields, thus setting the 
scene for future jurisdictional disputes.  One such was the nunnery's 
claim to have the right to collect a toll on corn sold in the city during 
the time of the Carrow Fair; this too was relinquished in the settlement 
of 1290, with the city authorities promising in return not to obstruct 
the holding of the fair.
 
 | 
 
|   | 
 
Chapel in the Fields 
This chapel occupied quite a large site (described as a croft) by mid-13th 
century.  It originally included a hospital, but shortly before the 
1253 ditch was dug, was converted to the collegiate church of 
St. Mary's, housing a community of priests.  In the 14th century, before 
the large Guildhall superseded the small Tolbooth, 
this chapel was occasionally used for major civic assemblies.
 
 | 
 
|   | 
 
|   | 
 
CITY GATES:
 
By the time that the ditch/bank had been replaced by stone walls  
(mid-14th century), there were 12 stone gates, but practically all 
were demolished between 1791 and 1810.
 
 | 
 
| G1 | 
 
Conesford (later King Street) Gate.  The southernmost of the 
city entrances,  it was the first gate to receive a mention, in 1186 
(and perhaps as early as 1175), although at that date any such gate 
must have been a modest wooden structure.
 
 | 
 
| G2 | 
 
Berstrete Gate.  There was probably some kind of barrier here by 1146. 
Guarding the one of the southern entrances to the city, 
the stone gateway is mentioned in city records of the late thirteenth century 
and in deeds dating from Henry III's reign;  it may have been part 
of the mid-century programme of constructing defences.  In a post-medieval 
illustration a tower is shown on one side, and there had in the mid-14th 
century been another on the other side, so that this gate must have 
been as almost as imposing as Nedham Gate, except that at Berstrete one of 
the towers was shorter than the other.
 
 | 
 
| G3 | 
 
Swinemarket Gate (later the Brazen Doors).  In a description of the walls from 
the early part of Edward III's reign there is no mention of a gate between 
Berstrete and Nedham gates, but other evidence suggests a gate may have existed 
to give access to/from the Swinemarket on All Saints Green:  likely just a 
small, postern-style gate.   A 
reference in 1385 
to reconstruction of walls beside the Iron Doors may have been part of 
an initiative to rebuild the gate, perhaps associated with relocation of 
the market to a site outside the walls. By the early sixteenth century, 
the name had become Brazen Door and it was, a few years later, assigned 
a gatekeeper.  But it remained only a small entrance, without flanking towers, 
and not large enough for a wagon to pass through, until widened in 
the eighteenth century.
 
 | 
 
| G4 | 
 
Nedham (later St. Stephen's) Gate.  This was the major entrance to 
the city from the south and, as such, was the most imposing of the 
city gateways, flanked by a large tower on either side.  A leper house 
was later established a short distance beyond this gate, while in 
the fifteenth century one of the chambers inside the gateway was leased 
to a hermit, who also had to maintain the adjacent city ditches.
 
 | 
 
| G5 | 
 
Newport (later St. Giles) Gate.  Named for the street which led here 
through the novus portus (new borough) founded for French settlers. 
The gate is mentioned in the 1280s. A leper house was later (ca.1343) 
established immediately outside this gate.
 
 | 
 
| G6 | 
 
Westwyk Gate.  Mentioned by this name ca.1290 (and so known in the 
fifteenth century), although in the post-medieval period, and possibly 
as early as 1160 also known as St. Benedict's Gate. 
A leper house was later established immediately outside this gate.
 
 | 
 
| G7 | 
 
Coselanye (later St. Martin's) Gate.  It is heard of in the 1270s and was 
likely a product of the mid-century initiative to improve the defences. It 
was not one of the larger gates, nor particularly sturdy until Richard 
Spynk had work done on it in the 1340s.
 
 | 
 
| G8 | 
 
St. Augustine's Gate. This had much the same character as Coselanye Gate 
but was a little wider, being placed across a more important thoroughfare. 
There is mention of it during the reign of Henry III. A leper house 
was later established a few hundred yards beyond the gate.
 
 | 
 
| G9 | 
 
Fybriggate (later Magdalen) Gate.  It was a little wider than 
St. Augustine's Gate.  We have a reference to construction of it 
being underway in 1339, although this may refer to rebuilding in 
stone.  A leper house was later established immediately outside 
this gate, which was consequently sometimes referred 
to as Leper's Gate.
 
 | 
 
| G10 | 
 
Barregates (later Pockthorpe Gate).  The name Barregate is heard of ca.1272, 
although the street leading to it also had that name.  A reference in 
1322/23 seems more likely to refer to gates, but there is also evidence 
building (or rebuilding) was going on in 1338.  It was evidently complete 
by 1343 and required no attention from Richard Spynk.
 
 | 
 
|   | 
 
|   | 
OTHER FEATURES:
 | 
 
| 
I | 
 
Bishop's Bridge.  It does not seem that a 
gate was 
erected to protect this entrance into the city before the 1330s, and then 
as part of citizen Richard Spynk's 
contribution towards the development of defences, even though jurisdiction 
over the bridge was a bone of contention between city and priory  
the Prior had been responsible for maintenance until 1393, when the 
city took it over.  Spynk also had the bridge reinforced to bear 
the weight of the towering gate, although that weight eventually 
took its toll and the gate had to be removed in 1791.
 
 | 
 
| 
J | 
 
Gosehill.  
An area of unsettled land belonging, according to the complaints about the 
1253 ditch, to Carrow Abbey and not part of Norwich hundred  although 
the presence of Conesford gate there earlier suggests the townsmen 
considered the area part of Norwich.  The area was later renamed after 
an owner John le Boteler, the name becoming Butler Hills and later 
corrupted to Butter Hills.
 
 | 
 
| 
K | 
 
Gildencroft.  
A large area of open (and presumably partly agricultural) land 
to the north of Coslanye and outside the burh boundaries.  At the 
time of the complaints about the 1253 ditch, when referred to as 
the croft of St. Augustine (being adjacent to that churchyard), 
it was in use for meetings of the court of an external jurisdiction 
(either Tokethorpe manor or Taverham hundred).  It later was held by 
the Great Hospital. A large part remained undeveloped 
long after the medieval period. 
 
 | 
 
| 
L | 
 
The Tolbooth (later called the Tolhouse).  
This original base for city self-government was likely on the site where 
the 15th century Guildhall was later built, on a scale unequalled in 
medieval England outside of London.  The Tolbooth was of a much more 
modest size.  As the name suggests, it was likely the point of collection 
of market tolls, as well as serving as courthouse and gaol.
 
 | 
 
| 
M | 
 
Marketplace.  
This market was doubtless a feature of the Newport (later Manecroft) 
from the foundation of that settlement, and probably part of the 
rationale for the foundation, although 
the Newport also made provision not only for the housing of Norman 
merchants in Norwich but also that of Norman barons and soldiers.  By 
mid-13th century this was the central 
marketplace for the retail of provisions; t
here were several secondary, specialized markets elsewhere 
in the city, such as for pigs, horses, and timber.  The Mancroft marketplace 
itself was divided into areas of specialization: south of the church was 
where livestock, grain and cheese were sold, while on its north side 
the stalls were occupied by sellers of cloth products, leatherwares, 
metalwares, fish, and butchered meat.
 
 | 
 
| 
N | 
 
Hildebrond's Hospital.  
Founded in 1216 by Hildebrond le Mercer and his wife and dedicated 
to the Virgin Mary, it served as a hospice for poor travellers and 
vagrants.
 
 | 
 
| 
  | 
 
Jewry 
At its peak, in the second half of the 12th century, the 
Jewish community in Norwich was the 
second wealthiest (after that of London) in England; it declined in size 
during the 13th century.  It had probably been established there 
ca.1135.  Most Jews in Norwich lived close together, 
within the shadow of the royal castle, although this was not 
mandatory  for instance, the wealthiest, Jurnet, had a stone 
house in Conesford Street (perhaps for the easy access to the river). 
The house may have been built ca.1140, and a large hall was added ca.1175. 
Jurnet's son Isaac, the most prominent member of the community in the 
early 13th century, was not only a financier, like his father, but the 
quay associated with his house indicates he engaged in commerce too.
 
 | 
 
|   | 
 
|   | 
 
SUB-LEETS:
 
The principal administrative divisions of the city  the leets  reflected 
development of settlement in the area:  the 
settlement most distant in time and of far lesser significance by the 
thirteenth century, now was remembered only as that "on the other side of 
the river"; on the other hand, the name of the focus of Anglo-Saxon 
settlement, Conesford, survived despite its dismemberment with the 
superimposition of castle and cathedral fees over land formerly housing 
townsmen;  the secondary settlement Westwyk also survived in name, although 
during the thirteenth century the name was superseded by "Wymer" (a 
townsman of this name being mentioned in the Domesday account of Norwich); 
and the Norman foundation known apparently at first as the Newport, but 
later as Manecroft (a name whose precise meaning is disputed but at 
least reflects that the settlement was established on formerly 
agricultural land, just beyond the edge of the Anglo-Saxon settled 
area  and possibly therefore borough fields, so that the name may 
reflect Anglo-Saxon resentment at their loss to Norman newcomers).
 
By contrast, there is no apparent topographical logic to the sub-divisions 
which are first documented in the thirteenth century, not even in terms 
of the number of parishes each comprised, since this varied considerably.  
Hudson, who considered the matter in some 
depth, concluded that the boundaries of the sub-leets were dictated by the 
need to ensure that each contained at least 12 
tithings, so that 
each would be represented by the jury of 12 Capital Pledges required by 
law to make presentments in the leet court. 
Adjustments in the number and size of the sub-leets were made occasionally 
in the Late Middle Ages, presumably prompted by shifts in population.
 
By the last quarter of the 14th century, the sub-divisions were being 
treated as leets in their own right, seemingly superseding the earlier, 
larger divisions.  Those four divisions persisted, however, for serving 
an administrative purpose in the 15th century electoral system, under 
the name of "great wards", each later subdivided into 3 
aldermanries which were very similar 
in extent to the original sub-leets.
 
 | 
 
| 1 | 
 
Southern Conesford. At least following the disruptions resulting from 
the Conquest, there was little commercial or industrial activity in this 
part of the city, although some of the wealthier citizens lived there or 
in Northern Conesford, and a number of private quays were located on 
the riverside here.
 
 | 
 
| 2 | 
 
Northern Conesford.  The two Conesford sub-leets were amalgamated by 
mid-14th century, likely the result of reduced population (and therefore 
the number of tithings) in the area, as large areas of land were acquired 
by the 
Augustinians 
and Franciscans 
for their friary precincts.
 
 | 
 
| 3 | 
 
Berstrete.  Named after the Anglo-Saxon road which was the sub-leet's 
backbone and which ran along a ridge above the slope down to the river (on 
the western side of the ridge lay a natural valley through which ran 
the Great Cockey).  This valley was filled in at some point in the Late Middle Ages, partly with soil removed from the Mancroft marketplace when it was remodelled.
 
 | 
 
| 4 | 
 
St. Stephen.
  | 
 
| 5 | 
 
St. Peter de Manecroft.  The most populous parish in the city, as might 
be expected of the parish encompassing the marketplace.  The location of 
the parish church 
is marked on the map with a red cross. The original church 
belonged to the earl who was (with the king) co-founder of the 
Newport, although the present structure was a rebuilding of the second 
quarter of the 15th century.  The prosperity and grand proportions of 
the church reflect that its 
parishioners 
included many of Norwich's richest merchants.
 
 | 
 
| 6 | 
 
Referred to by the collective names of its parishes: 
St. Giles, 
St. Margaret, 
St. Swithun, 
and St. Benedict.  By late 14th century, this division had become known 
by the principal parish of the district, St. Giles.
 
 | 
 
| 7 | 
 
Referred to by the collective names of its parishes: 
St. Lawrence and 
St. Gregory.  By late 14th century, this division had become known by 
just the name of one of the parishes, St. Gregory.
 
 | 
 
| 8 | 
 
Referred to by the collective names of its parishes: 
St. John de Maddermarket, Holy Cross, St. Andrew, St. Michael de Motestow, 
and St. Peter.  
By late 14th century, this division had become known by the name only of 
St. Andrew.
 
 | 
 
| 9 | 
 
Referred to by the collective names of its parishes: SS. Simon 
and Jude, St. George before the Gates of the Holy Trinity, and 
St. Martin before the Gates of the Bishop.   By late 14th 
century, this division had become known by the principal parish of the 
district, St. George.  The boundaries of the Wymer sub-leets were 
around this time adjusted to reduce to number to three.
 
 | 
 
| 10 | 
 
Referred to by the collective names of its parishes: St. Michael 
de Coselanye, St. George, 
St. Mary, 
and St. Martin.   By late 14th century, this division had become known 
by the name only of St. Michael.
 
 | 
 
| 11 | 
 
Referred to by the collective names of its parishes: St. Olave, St. 
Botulph, St. Clement, St. Mary Combust (a term apparently reflecting 
that the parish had been devastated by fire at some earlier period), St. 
Saviour, All Saints, St. James, St. Edmund the King, and St. Margaret 
Combust.  By late 14th century, this division had become known by the 
name only of St. Clement, perhaps the principal parish of the district.  
The boundaries of the two Ultra Aquam sub-leets were adjusted in the late 
14th century to make three subdivisions.
 
 | 
 
 
 |